I must say that for me, some of the shine on Wikileaks has worn off in the past two months. The online disseminator of confidential information, most associated with controversial Australian Julian Assange, has been in the headlines constantly in the past two years, though it was founded way back in 2006. The bane of the US establishment, it has published colossal libraries of secret correspondence, photographs and video footage which have shed unprecedented light into the activity of the US in Afghanistan, Iraq and the Guantanamo Bay detention facility. The Wikileaks organisation has also released diverse information on subjects which have included super injunctions in theUK, Scientology, corruption inKenya, membership lists of the British National Party and activities ofIceland’s Kaupthing bank. And although governments and institutions have reacted with hostility towards the Wikileaks organisation, in the main the general public has welcomed the insights and the leverage Wikileaks brings against powerful governments and corporations.
So why the negativity towards Wikileaks? In Ireland’s case, Wikileaks partnered up with the Irish Independent in May and early June 2011 to publish details of secret USembassy cables (that is, written messages generated by US embassies around the world). Wikileaks has had the 250,000-odd cables since November 2010, over six months ago. Yet it is only in May 2011 that we get to see the USembassy in Ireland’s cables. And even then through the filter of one hallowed newspaper. By the way, the Irish Independent is keen to emphasise that there is no reward element in its dealings with Wikileaks. But why can’t we see the cables directly ourselves and why the delay in making the cables themselves available in full online? Since the Independent first reported the cables in May and early June, I have been keeping an eye on the wikileaks.org website expecting to see the cables uploaded. Weeks went by and journalists contacted from here expected Wikileaks to make the cables available days or a short number of weeks after the Independent had first dibs on the material. And the days and weeks passed without any information being uploaded onto the wikileaks.org website. Wikileaks doesn’t respond to requests for information, or maybe just requests for information from modest blogs such as this one. And then last week, the 22nd July according to the date-stamp on the Wikileaks website, cables reported in the Independent on 2nd June were finally made available – seven weeks later. Unfortunately though, it seems that only a subset of the cables reported has in fact been made available for now.
The report in the Independent on 2nd June, 2011 which dealt with NAMA refers to at least five discrete NAMA-related messages from theUS embassy inIreland. It is not clear how many cables these messages are spread across but the Independent does refer to “other cables”. The cables published online last week by Wikileaks include only one that refers to NAMA. And that one cable excludes much of the information reported by the Independent. So there are other NAMA-related cables, it’s just that Wikileaks has not published them yet.
The NAMA-related cable that was published states “On April 7 [2009], Econoff spoke with Kevin Cardiff (protect), Second Secretary General at the Department of Finance, who said that the pricing of assets should be finished within three months. Cardiff said he will need about 30 more staff members, who will come in on a contract basis, to set up NAMA and value the banks’ assets. He hinted that, given the work he and his colleagues have already done, the assets will be discounted by around 50 percent. He also said that, while this program is modeled on the Resolution Trust Corporation that was put in place following the savings and loan collapse in theU.S. in the late 1980s, NAMA “will be in no hurry to dispose of the assets.” Cardiff said that they could and would hold the assets for “a decade or more if it took that long to get the right price.”
On 2nd June, 2011, the Irish Independent published an article which drew on references to NAMA in the secret US cables. The Independent claims that the Department of Finance hinted that the losses on loans might be 50% – that is true according to the cable. But the Independent goes on to claim that the official line was that losses would be 30%. That’s not true in the sense that the first NAMA business plan projected loans at a value of €77bn would be acquired by the agency, that the loans would be worth €47bn, that is 39% less than the face value. Of course by September 2009, NAMA was also proposing to pay a Long Term Economic Value (LTEV) premium of €7bn bringing the consideration payable by NAMA up to €54bn which is indeed a 30% discount on the €77bn face value.
It is worth noting that property prices were dropping like stones in Ireland and to a lesser extent the UKin 2009. So if the estimate was of 50% losses in April 2009, then six months later they might have been expected to have been closer to 60%. And John Mulcahy, then managing director of Jones Lang LaSalle in Ireland but appointed to NAMA in February 2010 (but on secondment from Jones Lang LaSalle to the NTMA in the role of Interim Head of Portfolio Management since June 2009), should have known about price falls more than most – his own company’s commercial property index fell from 787 at the end of Q1,2009 to 682 at the end of Q3, 2009, a 13.4% drop. During the same period, the key residential property index at the time, the ESRI/PTSB national index fell from 113.2 to 104.5, a decline of 8%.
So even setting aside the complication of the LTEV premium, when the NAMA business plan was being presented to the Oireachtas in September 2009, there is a suggestion that the Department of Finance had knowledge that the figures were misleading, and that the losses implied in the banks were underestimated. “So what?” you might say, there was still a need to correctly value these doubtful land and development loans because our banks could not be trusted by providers of funding when they had such toxic loans on their balance sheets. So regardless of whether the losses were 30% or 50% or 60% there was still a need for a NAMA-type process. Whilst that is probably true, remember that September 2009 was 14 months before we needed to go cap in hand to the IMF/EU/ECB and a year before the deposit run on our banks started in August 2010. If our Dail had known the scale of the losses in September 2009, then might there have been the time to act on bank losses without needing a bailout?
It seems that at the very least the Department of Finance has questions to answer, both about the knowledge in its possession, its disclosure to the democratic organs of our State and whether a better course might have been charted in 2009 when the scale of losses was apparently known. Kevin Cardiff is now the Secretary General of the Department of Finance – his appointment in February 2010 and abbreviated CV is here – and he seems to be a very unlucky individual. He was present on the night of the bank guarantee when he was still the Second Secretary General (the Secretary General was then David Doyle). He sat alongside Brian Cowen and the late Brian Lenihan at the announcement of the IMF/EU bailout in November 2010 and he has been at the civil service helm of the Department of Finance during a period when some pretty awful mistakes have been made. The last reporting of his salary I have seen suggests his annual salary is €228,466 a year.
It should be said that the term used in the US cable – “hinted” – is not conclusive but it was considered by the US embassy in Dublin as sufficiently credible to include in a cable.
All of the Wikileaks cables relating to the USembassy in Dublin– or rather all the cables that have so far been published – are available from Wikileaks here. (the Wikileaks website appears to be down at present – Sunday evening 31st July 2011)
Nama was a bailout for the professional class,s. What was MCDonagh laughing at when he announced a one billion loss for Nama. Talk about a lack of social skills. The Dude Julian is probably a CIA lacky anyway. Sure the information is so irrelevant, all low level gossip.
How does this affect the recent losses declared at NAMA? How much a percentage rate in the haircuts would have been needed to make NAMA profit making today? In other words, if the Dep of Finance had admitted their suspicious to the public instead of the US embassy, would NAMA be solvent today?
@OMF, NAMA valued each loan individually by reference to 30th November 2009 (or at least they did until Tranche 2 – NAMA has just finished the due diligence and valuation of Tranches 3 and 4). So NAMA can’t blame the Department of Finance for NAMA making a loss in 2010. The reason NAMA made a loss was because property continued (and continues) to decline in value. NAMA might have mitigated the loss by changing the valuation date, and it is unclear as to why it didn’t do that. Legal reasons? Maybe but my reading of the Act is that it doesn’t prevent NAMA changing the valuation date. Political reasons? Maybe. But there is evidence of denial at NAMA because in June 2010 the then-Minister for Finance, Brian Lenihan told the Oireachtas that price movements in Ireland had been partly offset by increases elsewhere and the overall effect was “broadly neutral”.
In answer to your question, NAMA would have needed buy the loans with an average 65% discount rather than the 58% it paid in order not to have made a loss in 2010. But the discount level was not determined by the Department of Finance.
Isn’t it the case that a cable released earlier revealed Kevin Cardiff telling the US embassy that therte was no possibility of the blanket Government Guarantee of bank liabilities ever actually resulting in a liability to the state?
There appears to be nothing in his CV to suggest he was the sort of guy to think he was competent to have a forceful view on this himself – though to be fair, there is nothing to say he didn’t take a skilled and keen interest in the markets outside his professional roles for the heck of it. viz:
“Mr. Cardiff joined the Department of the Public Service (DPS) in 1984. He joined the Department of Finance in 1987.
He has had a wide range of roles in the Department of Public Service and the Department of Finance, including in the human resources and industrial relations areas. Following a short stint on the Government bond dealing desk before the establishment of the National Treasury Management Agency, Mr Cardiff worked on monetary and exchange rate policy in the 1990s. Subsequently he worked on pensions policy and organisational issues, such as Freedom of Information and Standards in Public Office.
Most recently he has been the head of Taxation and Financial Services Division within the Department. As the financial crisis developed over the past 18 months, Mr Cardiff was asked to concentrate solely on financial services matters. In this role, he has worked closely with the Minister in formulating the Government’s response to the crisis.
Mr Cardiff is in his late 40s and is a graduate of the University of Washington and University College Dublin.”
Extraordinary stuff. The nonchalence with which the Department of Finance deals with the peoples’ money and present and future economic opportunities is truly shocking.
Thanks for the article.
Best David
Namawinelake, you do phenomenal work and thank you. But do you see any hope for the country at all?
@ NWL Mr. Cardiff is one of a select group of Secretaries General paid at the highest of the three scales for the Grade. It was over €300,000 but fell to around €280,000. As to his current pay scale, I cannot comment as many of that grade have taken personal reductions.
From my own experience I would regard him as incredibly hardworking, but a very conservative individual. He is not an original thinker and certainly was not a man to come up with an alternative view. His problem was that he did not see the depth of our problems. He also was very happy to talk to the multi-nationals and the big accountancy firms. I have no doubt that Mr. Farrell of the IBF and Feargal O’Rourke of PWC were on his speed dial.
I do remember him being very annoyed about Joan Burton’s continuous questioning of the department and there was a bit of an effort between Finance & the Revenue Commissioners to get the Civil Servants who were advising her. They failed to find them.
Indeed at that time a number of senior officials approached a Labour advisor in 2006 asking for her to be replaced. by someone who wouldn’t ask the “wrong” questions. Mr. Cardiff’s name was not mentioned to me as one of those officials, however he had/has a very poor relationship with her.
The writing already seemed to very clear as early as 2006 to many Civil Servants in Finance & the Revenue Commissioners, activity outside of construction was very weak.
Cowen saw a slowdown coming, but thought his National Development Plan would take up the slack. However their core economic plan, but perhaps “plan” is too strong a word for it, was based around Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). However no major FDI project had been announced or completed for some years. The last major project was the Wyeth operation in Clondalkin which was finished towards the end of 2003 and a number of announced projects were pulled. The non property economy was effectively in recession at that stage and there was a constant stream of redundancies in the Irish owned private sector. I am sure some of these points were made in very small writing in a very general way in briefing documents to be used as protection if all went wrong.
Underlying tax yields began to slip towards the end on 2006, though the headline figures were still strong. October I think was the clincher for me at the time.
Cowen brought forward as much NDP spending as he could for the run in to the election. This prevented a pre election recession. Mr. Cardiff’s part of Finance were also responsible for the cock & bull economic forecasts on which the various party plans were based. The tax figures were so completely off the wall as to be ridiculous. They were, I hasten to add, the work of the Dept. of Finance and not the Revenue Commissioners.
My own experience of the Dept. of Finance is that many excellent staff were not listened to by those at Asst. Secretary Grade and above. The vast majority of people in these grades across all Departments have bought into a very conservative model and are very similar in outlook. When their collective model fell apart, there was no one with alternative views left.
Having been culpable for the explosion in credit which caused the bubble, Cardiff hand picked his old buddy Frank Daly to run NAMA to help cover his rather large mess. He has also ensured that another acolyte Robbie Watt is running the Howlin bit of the department.
@Niall
‘If you tears prepare to shed them now’ was the first thing that came into my mind having read you contribution.
There should have been a root and branch clear out right across the top levels of the Civil Service, starting with the Department of Finance.
Personally, I would cut the pensions of people in senior positions that were responsible for this disaster, Bertie, Cowan, McCreevy, Civil servants, regulators etc to the non contributory State pension of €219 per week.
That is the only response these people understand. I would put it to a referendum if necessary.
What is the penalty for destroying a country?
The main WL site is down quite a bit.
The cables are available and searchable here also.
http://www.cablegatesearch.net/search.php
It’s quite striking just how many Irish cables are there.
Lots of stuff regarding the DOF from 08 onwards
@Niall,
Thank you for the insight.
@NWL
The Kevin Cardiiff cv on the Dept website that you link to states:
“Most recently he has been the head of Taxation and Financial Services Division within the Department. As the financial crisis developed over the past 18 months, Mr Cardiff was asked to concentrate solely on financial services matters. In this role, he has worked closely with the Minister in formulating the Government’s response to the crisis.”
Now what does “most recently” mean? I suggest that it would be crucial to have the exact date that Mr Cardiff took up that “most recent” role within the Department.
‘Unlucky’ you say. Well that depends on your point of view.
I note from the Department annual report 2004 that Mr Cardiff was Assistant Secretary in Budget and Economic Division of the Department of Finance. Would that be about the time that economic direction of country was well ramped up and just about to go straight off the rails. And about the same time that the ‘boom-time’ budget revenues were being spent so wisely!
I am surprised that Mr Cardiff’s abbreviated CV omitted that role of distinction.
Click to access Progress_report_2004.pdf
@ Lads – While Mr. Cardiff has played his role in getting us into our current position, you are all forgetting the role the Irish public played.
Back in 2002, Pat Rabbite offered an alternative view, which included higher taxes and the Labour Party’s vote fell. Irish household debt repayments were already excessive by 2001.
During the 2007 election the middle classes clung to FF with “greim an fhir báite”. As each wheel on the Irish economic wagon became looser and more suspect the more they clung to Fianna Fáil. Remember the last 10 days of that election, the swing back to FF!
Blaming Civil Servants is easy, but they were carrying out the policies of the democratically elected Government, who had rejected alternatives.
@Niall
How many senior civil servants or indeed elected representatives recoiled at the direction that was being taken by the government and resigned their positions on account of disagreement on general economic policy?
How many have publicly admitted responsibility for the disaster?
How many have publicly returned the extraordinary large lump sums and pensions that they patently did not deserve, although they may have a quasi-legal entitlement to them.?
How many have publicly said, they made dreadful errors?
How many in very senior positions that should have known what was going on and should have insisted that it stop but did not insist, have been promoted to more more seniors positions? I can name at least one in this last catagory.
@Niall. Blaming the public is easy and is not just. Public servants have a duty to protect society and the public interest and they are very well paid to do this work. In fact in Ireland they are too well paid for this work. Of course they are accountable and should not be left to enjoy their golden handshakes and fat pensions.
The senior public servants including the regulators, planners, politicians and the central bank failed miserably and it is utterly ridiculous to think that they should not be held accountable. If these people are not held accountable; future public servants, politicans and regulators will feel they too can hide behind their protective layers and develop and oversee policies that serve vested interests.
Fianna Fail wanted to stay in power at any cost. This along with greedy bankers and cowboy developers was the Irish recipe for disaster. Public servants allowed this to happen and the Irish public who followed without question are now paying.